Marxist scholar, political activist, theoretician, writer and teacher T K Ramachandran's 1995 article in Social Scientist on the ideological constructs of feminine identity in contemporary Kerala society.
In the various strands of the Radical Enlightenment the principle theme is the question of the crisis: we have the crises of the sciences, of reason, of modernity, etc. But, of course, Murzban Jal points out that in these renderings there is no crisis of capitalism. So it follows for the alternative Enlightenment, since something is indeed rotten in the state of the Enlightenment, the subject of history cannot be a class subject. The theme of the crisis of the sciences is now expressed in the crisis of Marxism. The proletariat cannot be the subject of history. And yet there has to be the subject. The tragic hero of Romanticism comes marching in. What Romanticism wants is not the negation of capitalism, but negation of all reality. The Romantics cannot be the revolutionaries, but only the tragic heros, who like Goethe’s Faust, are dragged to hell. There they take residence like Adorno, waiting for the missing messiah to come.
The world has been turned upside down by persons who have dared to rebel.
M S Prabhakara writes in the Hindu.
Should education be a matter of State policy? Or left to the goodwill of the rich?
Avinash Kumar on the farcical consequences of appealing to the magnanimity of the powerful.
Courtesy: Down to Earth
An article from the June 1996 issue of Monthly Review
Most contemporary feminist theory has owed at least some of its substantive content to the works of Marx and Engels. And yet a closer examination of the "marriage" of Marxism and feminism - to use Heidi Hartmann's now well-known phrase - indicates a troubled relationship.
''There are two opposing approaches to the analysis of ecological destruction and the emergence of Indian movements in Latin America: the liberal and the Marxist.
Marxist class analysis highlights the centrality of property ownership, specifically the class nature of the ownership of the means of production and control over state power as central to understanding the destruction of the environment and the complex politics of Indian society''.
James Petras concludes ''Ecology and Indian liberation are essentially and inextricable part of the class struggle''. (Courtesy: Dissidentvoice)
The making and articulation of the Hindu tribal identity has overtaken all other contradictions in Kandhamal. The ruling BJD-BJP combine calls this communal divide as an “ethnic conflict with religious overtones”. This is clearly not true because the communalisation of the tribal consciousness has been a planned project since the early 1970s which in turn has structured the ethnic conflict.
Archana Prasad writes in People's Democracy.
The Emporio mall, adorned with palms and scented with lavender, is the exclusive playground of India's rich, which despite the effects of the credit crisis still have plenty of cash to buy designer accessories with thousand dollar price tags.
With a phalanx of security guards keeping out the destitute and a pricey admission fee, some social observers see India's first luxury mall as a symbol of an economic apartheid that they say increasingly divides the 'haves' and 'have nots' in India.
In a new sign of increasing inequality in the U.S., the richest 1% of Americans in 2006 garnered the highest share of the nation's adjusted gross income for two decades, and possibly the highest since 1929, according to Internal Revenue Service data.
Is a megalopolis such as Bombay defined by its neighbourhoods, or is it the other way around?
Courtesy: Himal Southasian