"Having a towering GDP growth rate would matter least if tribals and other under-privileged societies continue their under-developed lives. As a tribal, I would expect the government to undeceive all its fallacious perceptions of development that has caused immense exploitation of tribal communities, and bring about some actual growth. " Richard Toppo writes.
While there may not be much merit in the arguments of those who have been criticising the poverty line for being too low on the basis of a per capita per day basis, their concerns remain valid. This is again entirely due to the double speak of the planning commission which has not shown clarity in making its stand clear on whether these poverty lines will be used for targeting of beneficiaries households or not.
The Bihar assembly election results have to be seen in Nitish Kumar’s careful moblilization of several caste groups and formation of a coalition of ‘extremes’. Added to the above mobilization, have been his attempts in initiating some welfare schemes in the state. The result needs to be seen in terms of these two broad factors and any attempt to ‘disproportionally’ ascertain the importance of the second factor over the first is to miss the history of politics in the state of Bihar over the years.
The concept of ''infrastructure'' itself, has a class dimension.
Against the “means-based approach” to development that the bourgeoisie projects, the left must project a “rights-based approach”. Since “rights” are guarantors of welfare gains, every winning of rights likewise strengthens them. The acquisition of rights on the part of the people, including rights to minimum bundles of goods, services and security, amounts therefore to winning crucial battles in the class war for the transcendence of capitalism. If the left were to put on its agenda a struggle for people’s rights and adopt a rights-based approach to development as opposed to the means-based approach of the bourgeois formations, it would not constitute a retreat into abstract humanism but would be an integral part of the dialectics of subversion of the logic of capital. Prabhat Patnaik writes in the Economic and Political Weekly
Is the division of the state of Andhra Pradesh to create a new state of Telangana the answer to the woes of backward regions in the state? B.Srujana answers this question in this commentary.
In mid-December 2009, I visited fishing areas in and around the Mundra coastal region which hosts the vast Mundra Port and SEZ Limited (MPSEZL). The visit to the coastal areas adjoining the Mundra port in the Kutch revealed discontent among fisherfolk, traders and pastoralists over the creation of a special economic zone in the area. Apart from environmental concerns, the traditional livelihoods of residents in the area have also been affected by the new industrial projects, leading to organised protests, as witnessed in Bhadreswar village a few months ago.
Well before the global financial crisis finally broke in September 2008, most people in developing countries were already reeling under the effects of dramatic volatility in global food and fuel markets. From late 2006, prices of most primary commodities first increased very rapidly, then collapsed even more sharply from their peaks in May-June 2008. This was not due to real economic forces, but rather financial activity, specifically the involvement of investors in index funds,writes Jayati Ghosh.
Is a megalopolis such as Bombay defined by its neighbourhoods, or is it the other way around?
Courtesy: Himal Southasian