a good write-up on saturday's protest: http://nilanjanaroy.com/2012/12/22/notes-from-raisina-hill/
Pls don't hang them....hanging would bring end to their misery in few seconds. These brutes deserve similar and more suffering than they gave the brave girl. Their both hands and one leg should be chopped, their eye should be donated to needy poor girls. They should be forced to live a vegetative life or rest of their life. This should set a strong example for our society.... Pls spread this message tote. Right forum /organisation .... I care for me country
I know, the problems are very deep rooted as well as the solutions too. But my question is the following, what would be the immediate actions for this kind of brutal incidents? I agree with most of the points you have suggested. But those are I feel very time taking. As a girl, if I place myself in her position, or if I think about becoming the victim of this kind of situation, I would prefer to have some strict punishments for that person. I think what you have suggested and the stricter punishment should go simultaneously.
In a country like India where for every other thing some act is passed it may be for promotion, fdi, reservation etc. but there is no act passed for the safety of women. It has been mentioned that citizen of India has 6 fundamental rights : 1) Right to equality; 2) Right to freedom; 3) Right against exploitation; 4) Right to freedom of religion; 5) Cultural and Educational rights and 6) Right to constitutional remedies. girls are neither safe in Delhi and nor in any parts of the country. what about (3) Right against exploitation? Girls are exploited and abused here and there; every hour we hear the news regarding such incident. there is no rights made for the protection of girls. if any such incident happens people just blame girls. "Men should not forget that if they are in this earth this is because of female".
The culprits should not be hanged or given capital punishment. Because hanging anyone is one time death. They and their family members should be given such punishment as they did with girl. This incident is very shame for the country.
dear brothers and sisters,
Have you ever thought about the mothers, sisters and daughters who become victim to such tragedies daily in some corner of the country.
We are in a metropolitan and what effects us the events of our capital.....but we seldom think about the helpless and unprotected women who are surviving with pain and agony in some corner of India.
It is high time to make strict laws and regulations, establish monitoring committees and make a system which is more within the reach of the effected.
The Delhi now has become the Impotent...they should leave this case for Public and let public decide the punishment....and punisment should be equatl to that pain what they have give to that girl. Just make them Impotent and cut one leg and one hand...they should also feel the pain......Hanging is not the solution..atleast they should be alive to feel the pain.
If the home minister of the country cannot think of what to do to ensure safety for women, he should take cue from the JNUSU's charter of demands. shame on him. the entire country was listening to him with bated breadth and all he could come up with were inanities.
1. State agencies should stop 'blaming the victim'
2. Women’s helplines: Emergency numbers like 1091 should be monitored by women
3. Monitoring: CCTV’s in rape prone areas in Delhi, Noida and Gurgaon.
4. make rape a Non Bailable offence
capital punishment demand for rape is counterproductive. that will only lead rapists murdering rape victims to remove evidence. the BJP and sections of the media are making the capital punishment demand to whip up a frenzy. it is good to see JNUSU coming up with a sensible and actionable charter of demands. please publicise this widely..
At least some one has come up with a sensible charter of demands amidst the huge uproar! Keep up the fight JNUSU. We are with you.
To use the term 'fascism' in relation to the state policy of Israel hinders rather than helps mobilise opposition to Israeli actions. While some Israeli acts are clearly analogous to those of classically fascist states and movements it is the specific features of the Zionist project that need to be exposed. It is these distinctive features that are its essence – in particular the denial of Palestinian national rights.
Anti Arab racism, collective punishment, forced movement of populations, appropriations of Palestinian land, blitzkrieg military tactics, the denial of full citizenship rights and duties to Israeli Arabs can all be likened to the actions of the nazi regime. It can be argued that imperialist support for the state of Israel is the policy of the most reactionary sections of big capital but still this does not add up to fascism.
Judith Butler's critique of Israel and of zionism stands on its own ground.It may have an extra effect because she is jewish and addresses a jewish audience but the political discourse around identity in Israel has important differences with the broader discourse around Jewish identity.
This ahistorical use of the term fascist around has the effect of strengthening the conflation of jewish identity with that of loyalty to Israel which is the principal zionist ideological instrument in this discussion.
At this precise juncture that conflation is under great pressure, both within Israel and elsewhere. Every measure that strengthens unity – unityof the Palestinian people, unity between Arab and Jew in Israel, unity of the widest range of forces that can imose sanctions – puts pressure on zionism. Zionism has to be defeated on thr world stage as part of the struggle against imperilism but it also needs to be marginalised among Jewish people and this kind of theorising, divorced from the specificities of of the present struggle are a diversion.
you are welcome to read and brood over the "vast and complicated social dynamic" of the soviet union, as much as you like. but can you contest the view that democracy and peoples' empowerment were casualties in the USSR? if you are rejecting this offhand as succumbing to western propaganda, it only shows your own ignorance and blinkers. and if you suffer from no illusion regarding any kind of private property please start a campaign to eradicate and expropriate all forms of private property from tomorrow...we will all come and join.
It seems the author has set too much store by the received wisdom of the so-called non-democratic nature of the first Soviet state. I think he should have at least familiarized himself with the works by respected historians like Arch Getty to understand that the social dynamic of soviet union is a vast and complicated subject and to pronounce a judgement on it in such an offhand manner has been the hallmark of not only profound ignorance but obvious interventionist intention of generations of western propagandists.
Also it seems the author has a lot of illusion left about the positive nature of private property/ small entrepreneurship etc. Under these conditions how much his observations can bring value in the discourse about the means and modes of struggle against capitalism/imperialism in the coming days is open to question.
Dear Mr Debu Mukerjee,
Thanks for showing me my place . I admit that I don't have the theoretical or practical credentials that you demand for making comments on Pragoti . I will not dare to do it again . I am also sorry that I forced you to take another look at a CPI(M) document.
But that you keep such close track of my shallow and snide comments is really scary . Can almost feel your breath down my neck . I would like to believe you are just a fake name not a real person .
Finally , I find it more honorable to err with the party on everything from English spelling to 21st century socialism , than be proved right on anything outside it. Cant help it at my age .
The doubt posed about Barthes' poststructuralist world of a world of floating meanings, “...if authors are removed from the authorship, there can be no linkages between signifier and signified”, is actually a very sound (neo)Marxist response to the question of authorship. What Barthes misses out is the discourse of the Master. The one discourse which can never be grounded in reason is that of a Master, but it is always the one which provides THE meaning to a totality of signifiers. In other words, the invisible, “detached” and “omniscient” author behind a text is actually the master-signifier (le maître-signifiant), whose position is determined by what else, unfortunately, but class struggle! Very nice essay.
mr. kutty, while elaborating on your position on the "central contradiction" you are only quoting from a document of a political party as if it is a gospel, which all followers of the marxist faith must necessarily adhere to. moreover, you are doing it in such a blind manner that even a typing mistake in the original sentence is reproduced (it should be "conjuncture" and not "conjecture"). so much for your rigour.
the relevant passage that you quote mentions: "the central contradiction of this period of transition remains between imperialism and socialism". why is "this period" a period of "transition"? transition from what and to where? where in the world is such a transition taking place currently? and why does the imperialism/socialism contradiction "remains" rather than "is", "central"? can you provide explanations to these questions? or do you believe that it is true because it is mentioned the gospel.
you'd perhaps know better, how to run state governments in west bengal, kerala and tripura. i am not competent to comment on that because i am not a member or supporter of the cpim. one would have thought that following singur and nandigram, there would be a rethink on the hypocritical emphasis on "large private capital and foreign capital in selected areas", but that is a different matter. prasenjitda's article is on a socialist alternative, where he emphasises the need for planning, giving the public sector the dominant role in major industries and encouraging small industries and cooperatives. for me, that is a good starting point to think about socialism in this neoliberal era. your disdain towards this vision only shows that you are not willing to engage with or encourage any thinking which goes beyond "Innumerable Party Resolutions to date", which by the way has not led to much progress in establishing socialism in india.
on a more personal note, your credentials either as an academic or as a participant in the indian communist movement are unknown, other than your self-made claims. apart from some comments against select left intellectuals in pragoti, especially prabhat patnaik, one hardly finds any meaningful contribution from your side. the demand for an undefined quantum of "rigor, History and Context in intellectual discourse" coming from someone who is incapable of writing anything original is quite striking. have you ever written anything on marxism, capitalism, imperialism, socialism etc.? it seems you neither understand any theory nor are you engaged in any struggle in practise; the only original thing you are capable of is making shallow and snide remarks. please refrain from making further "great" kicks and save yourself as well as the readers from more misery.
My dear Nakul.
I have gone through your article very carefully just now. It is an
excellent piece analyzing the problem dispassionately. I agree with
you that the real problem in South Asia is misogyny. Assertion of
khaps, as currently stated by you, is a recent phenomenon. In the
course of modernization the old structure of the village society is
cracking up posing new challenges to the age old customs and
traditions. For instance, bhaichara(brotherhood) is the the
fundamental constituent responsible for social bondage. All male and
female members of a khap are supposed to be tied by blood relationship
and are supposed to be brothers and sisters. Hence any kind of sexual
relations between male and female belonging to a khap is taken as an
incest. Now in the wake of modernization- advanced means of transport
and communications, network of educational institutions, exposure of
the youth to media, both electronic and print. etc. there is greater
communion between the two sexes now. So the concept of bhaichara has
become a myth and illicit relation between two sexes in the villages
is common now. So much so, there is such relationship in the two sexes
of the same family tree too. So long it remains behind the scene, it
is ignored. Once there is an attempt to give it a marital shape, it is
taken as a threat to the age old social construct and a threat to the
hegemony of the village elders.
Then assertion of khap as you have correctly said reflects community
consolidation, especially in case of Jats whose old age hold on rural
life in the khap belt around Delhi, where Jats are a substantial
force, is now under challenge by the socially mobile Dalits and other
My understanding of the khap elders is that they do not enjoy much of
social support. Earlier khap had representation of numerous castes,
with Jas being the dominant, now it is completely a Jat phenomenon.
Higher castes and weaker sections are no longer a part of it. Women
too have no role in it. So its support base is confined to a section
of Jats only. Media is also responsible for providing legitimacy to
khap by giving uncritical publicity to it which is often magnified.
Then this outmoded social formation is being given legitimacy, not by
individuals like Naveen jindal only. All the mainstream political
parties do so, barring the left organizations. Its roots lies in the
fear complex gripping these parties. These parties have no political
ideology worth the name.Hence the phenomenon of Aya Rams and Gaya
Rams. The leaders suffer from from deep sense of insecurity to such
an extent that they are afraid of their own shadows. So they do not
want to take any risk of losing votes, though khap elders do not
control any significant vote bank.In Rajasthan too caste councils used
to issue all kinds of fatwas. The state High Court and the state Human
Rights Commision took note of this and gave a direction to the state
govt. to apply a check on the illegal decisions of the caste councils.
The state govt. issued a circular to all DMs and Sps. in the state to
keep these caste councils under surveillance and haul up caste elders
under the National Security Act and the Goonda Act if they issue any
illegal fatwa. After this the fatwabazi has come to stop. In Haryana,
it is other way round. All the major political parties in the state
support these khap eldders.
All said and done, yours isa laudable attempt. Continue it.
Dear Anonymous ,
Sorry , the ongoing Communist led struggle for socialism in India is not the unmitigated disaster that you make it out to be .I share its chequered legacy , and therefore can not engage in abstract argumentation about its future to which I feel as much responsible as its past and present. In other words , I feel organically related to the CPI(M) , politically and programmatically . Its strange that my demanding a certain rigor, History and Context in intellectual discourse should sound humbug to you even as you seem to be suspicious of even the slightest of subtleties and shades of expression, charging me of making snide remarks . I suppose it was a tenured Western academic Marxist who said " Historicize everything '
Much against my wish , I am making one last great kick at my own misery in the belief that you have sought my position on prime contradiction in good faith . Also, trying to clear the dust you have tried to raise on industrialization policy of CPI(M) led governments in the states.
1 The central contradiction of this period of transition remains between imperialism and socialism. Any other contradiction
can come to the forefront given world developments at any particular conjecture, without replacing the central contradiction . (Ref 5.13 of the Resolution on some Ideological Issues adopted at the 20th Congress of the CPI(M))
2 I am all for planning and public sector . All I have said is that even in the age of global finance capital, the CPI(M) can not run state governments in West Bengal , Kerala , Tripura solely on the strength of state government enterprises and the cooperatives of local small investors , workers , farmers or petty commodity producers. You would need large private capital and even foreign capital in selected areas.(Ref Innumerable Party Resolutions to date on the subject)
what progress has the non-"western", non-"academic" marxism that you believe in made in the past three decades? india has not one but scores of communist parties, all acting in the name of the working class and Lenin. why have they failed to make any advance anywhere, let alone make the working class revolution? what according to you is the "prime social contradiction" in today's world? please spell out. and isn't it better to side with the struggling people in nandigram or kudankulam rather than becoming agents of Salim or nuclear power producing corporations? apart from snide remarks, do you have any substantive argument to offer against planning, public sector, cooperatives and small scale industries?
humbug is no substitute for argumentation. as long as the indian left is guided by a pretentious know-it-all approach like yours, its future would remain to be bleak.
1. The reason why Jugantar and Anushilan Samity did not have too many Muslim recruits is that the said groups were heavily inspired by Anandmath and a brand of militant (in some cases, fundamentalist) Hindu nationalism. The novels written in the early twentieth century portrays such fervor vividly as found in Tarashankar Bandyopadhyay’s “Dhatri Debota”. Also, the social bases of these groups were predominantly middle-class. The social stratification in the then East Bengal had a distinct aspect. The Muslim community was primarily divided into rich landlords/traders and extremely poor cultivators/petty wage earners. The ‘middle class’ that is spoken about, in those days, was primarily confined to the Hindu community alone in Bengal. The “revolutionary terrorism” did not ever address the class question. As a direct consequence, the working class had little charm for it. Later on however, in the late 30s, when the state oppression assumed a diabolic proportion, a large number of cadres for the said brand of politics came from the working class, mainly as a spontaneous resistance to the regime and also due to the fact that Congress’ politics had assumed a distinct militancy by then, which was not infrequently violent. The food crisis of the period also added to the militant and violent fervor of the working masses that time, especially the peasantry. It is at that time, that one sees the substantial involvement of Muslims (the bulk of the peasantry in East Bengal) in armed political actions. Initially the groups like Yugantar had some minimal contact and control over them. Later on, significant inroads were made by more organized political outfits such as the RSP and the Forward Block amongst these masses. However, all that was swept away with the rise of communal electoral politics and Muslim League assumed the mantle of the primary political force.
The main part of the film apart from portraying immense sacrifices, sufferings, hardships and anti-imperialist centiment that these revolutionaries had is that it is about living and winning and that is where it is different from an earlier film by Asutosh Gorwarikar. By this, I mean that the revolutionary movement did not end with the demise of leaders like Masterda and Nirmal Sen or arrests and subsequent deportations of Ganesh Ghosh and Ananta Singh. The film shows that it was the communists that had carried forward the legacy of revolutionary movement in India. It depicts transformations in political thinking towards mass politics among Masterda's surviving followers who initially perceived anti-imperialist struggle along the lines of individual heroism and assassinations to an arduous path of mobilising people against colonial exploitation. Participation of Masterda's followers in Tebhaga and other peasant movements in Bengal is an example of this political transformation. I think that this is a big achievement of this film. There are many Bangla films (and probably few Hindi films) that deals with individual heroism but I do not remember any among those that had thrown light on this aspect.
Lastly, as far as my knowledge goes, I think Masterda or his associates like Ganesh Ghosh and Ananta Singh were not in any way associated with Yugantar group, at least during the Chattagram raid, because there was an element of Hindu revivalism in these groups which these people were opposed to. In fact, all of them were proclaimed atheists. One can consult Manini Chatterjee's book in this respect. They were highly motivated by the achievements of Irish revolutionaries in their struggle against British imperialism.
Lack of Muslims in this group probably was an indication of their lack of organisational work at the ground level. The movement lacked active people's participation and was overwhelmingly dependent on sacrifice, courage and individual acts of heroism. This is precisely the shortcoming that thesurviving members of Chattagram group identified and recitified later on. Tebhaga movement, in which many among them had participated under the leadership of the Communist Party, along with thousands of Muslim peasants across Bengal and due to which the Muslim League in East Bengal had to give in to the demands of land reform in their party documents in an independent and Muslim majority state of East Pakistan, was an example of this transformation.
Similar thoughts in China Left Review: http://chinaleftreview.org/?p=709
"Although the bureaucratic group sticks to the “basic political system”, facing the diversification of the social structure, it also actively integrates the newly emerged bourgeois into the existing political system. In this respect, the “Three Represents” (sange daibiao) theory put forward by Jiang Zemin, the former general secretary of the Party, in the year 2001, is of milestone significance. This theory permitted capitalists to participate in the Party, and hence recognized that many party members were de facto capitalists. Since then, it is natural for capitalists to get involved in authorities. In the People’s Congress and People’s Political Consultative Conference at various levels, a lot of representatives are actually private entrepreneurs. The following facts represent some recent development of this tendency: some official of the central government suggests to select leading cadres from outstanding private entrepreneurs; Liang Wengen, the richest person in China and also the CEO of Sanyi Group, is going to become a member of the central committee of the ruling party."
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Chirashree Das Gupta Associate Professor at Ambedkar University, Delhi.
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